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Thursday, August 23

45. SPECIAL ECONOMIC ZONE: FAILURES, CHALLENGES, POTENTIAL | IAS 2019 | 45TH GS EPISODE




45 Special Economic Zones Face the WTO Test

Purpose of SEZ:

The Indian SEZ policy was designed with the intention of promoting exports, bringing in private investment in world-class infrastructure and global best practices in zone management, and creating employment opportunities. It is believed that firms operating in SEZs can gain efficiency and competitiveness through leveraging economies of agglomeration and scale. To promote these zones and to attract units to operate from them, the Government of India offered several fiscal incentives both to developers of SEZs as well as to the units operating from within the SEZs. The incentives granted by the central government are summarised in Table 1. Apart from these, SEZs may also be eligible for incentives from the states wherein they are located.

For the units located in SEZs, to avail these benefits, there is a mandatory requirement that they must be net foreign exchange (NFE) earners in a block of five years. The NFE is defined as the value of exports from a unit of an SEZ minus the value of total imports made by that unit of the SEZ.  

Weaknesses of Indian SEZ

Despite these facilities and fiscal incentives offered by the government, the performance of SEZs in India has not been very encouraging. Exports from SEZs have stagnated since 2012–13 and only in the last two years has there been some revival. Recent reports indicate that in 2017–18, total exports from SEZs have grown 15% in rupee terms (Moneycontrol 2018). However, one may also want to look at the import figures to understand the trend in net exports from SEZs. The performance of SEZs, in terms of generating employment and attracting foreign direct investment (FDI), has not been up to the desired mark. On the other hand, opportunistic use of the SEZ policy has resulted in controversies and corruption. Many SEZs have been criticised for their inability to attract global manufacturing units or develop global value chains, unlike countries such as China for being an instrument of land grab, being a conduit for huge amounts of revenue foregone, bad zone management, and, in some cases, smuggling (Reuters 2014). We have discussed these issues in more detail in Mukherjee et al (2016).

Procedural issues also clog the system. Even though SEZs are zero rated, the goods and services tax (GST) refund system (for domestic producers supplying to SEZs) remains a problem area and needs to be simplified. Fine-tuning GST procedures will help in raising competitiveness of the SEZs. Also, the general ease of doing business in India is low. As per the World Bank’s “Ease of Doing Business 2018” index, India was ranked 100, which was an improvement of 30 places from the previous year, but still lower compared to competing countries such as the Republic of Korea (4), Malaysia (24), Thailand (26), Vietnam (68), and China (78), which have successful SEZs.

Finally, things could have been better in Indian SEZs in terms of input cost. In many cases, power supply is erratic and the cost of power is much higher than in competing countries such as China. This increases cost of production. Firms in SEZs have to invest in power back-up systems. If companies had access to good quality power at cheaper rates, it would have benefited them more than those subsidies that fall under “actionable” or “prohibited” categories.

New Challenge from USA


Special economic zones (SEZs) in India are likely to face a spate of new challenges from some of India’s major trading partners. Recently, the United States (US) has submitted a request for consultation to the Chairperson of the Dispute Settlement Body (DSB) of the World Trade Organization (WTO).1 In this document, the US has suggested that India is unfairly subsidising its exporters through various fiscal incentives and subsidy programmes. According to the United States Trade Representative (USTR), many of these subsidy programmes are prohibited by the Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (SCM) Agreement of the WTO. The subsidy schemes mentioned by the USTR include the fiscal incentives given by India to its SEZs. If the US manages to prove that these subsidies are indeed prohibited, as per the WTO definition, then India will have no option but to remove a large number of incentives given to SEZs. This may have serious implications for these SEZs.

India’s SEZ policy is facing charges from the US that the fiscal incentives given to SEZs in India are in fact subsidies and are non-compliant under the WTO’s SCM Agreement. An accompanying press release by the USTR (ustr.gov 2018) has alleged that

through these programmes, India provides exemptions from certain duties, taxes, and fees; reduces import duty liability; and benefits numerous Indian exporters, including producers of steel products, pharmaceuticals, chemicals, information technology products, textiles, and apparel. According to Indian Government documents, thousands of Indian companies are receiving benefits totalling over $7 billion annually from these programmes.

The document further says that through these policies, India is creating an uneven playing field in international trade which is subsequently harming domestic workers in the US. Therefore, the US would respond to this threat with all available tools, including petitioning the WTO.

This is a credible threat by the US. In the last few years, analysts have also raised questions on WTO compliance of India’s trade incentive policies.2 If the US can prove in WTO that some of the export incentives provided by India are “prohibited subsidies,” then India will be forced to remove these subsidies according to the WTO rules. This will affect a large amount of merchandise exports from India.

India : No Longer LDC

Until 2017, India was insulated from these threats from other WTO members as it gained immunity under “Special and Differential Treatment” for developing countries and least developed countries (LDCs) under the SCM Agreement. Article 27.2 of the SCM Agreement exempts LDCs and developing countries with a per capita income of less than $1,000 from the prohibition of export subsidies. The list of countries which were eligible for this exception is given in Annex VII of the SCM Agreement. However, India has graduated from this list in 2017. Based on the notification issued by the Committee on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures dated 11 July 2017 (G/SCM/110/Add.14), India can no longer qualify for this exception which it earlier received as a developing country. Hence, after 2017, export-linked incentives given to Indian SEZs can now face action under the WTO rules.

Way Ahead

In the WTO SCM Agreement, there is a possible loophole that India is hoping to exploit. It allows an eight-year graduation period (from the date of entry into force of the WTO Agreement) for developing countries. During this period, developing countries are allowed to continue with their export subsidies without any threat of retaliation. This period has ended in 2003, as WTO was implemented in 1995. However, it is not explicitly mentioned in the agreement whether the Annex VII countries are eligible for this eight-year transition period after their graduation. India is arguing that after its graduation from the Annex VII list, it should get another eight years to phase out its export subsidies.4 It will not be easy to get this additional flexibility as it may require a possible amendment and modification of the original SCM Agreement. It will be difficult to get countries to agree to such an extension given that India is one of the top countries against which the maximum CVDs have been imposed. A report published by the Third World Network mentions that the US has opposed this idea. It reports that the US’s view is also supported by the European Union and Turkey.5 Moreover, minutes of an SCM committee meeting of the WTO published in January 2018 show that the US and Japan have asked India to remove its export subsidies.6 Given such opposition, it is unlikely that the eight-year extension sought by India would be allowed.

The second alternative can be to remove the export contingency clause of the incentives given to SEZs. In that case, these incentives will no longer be categorised as export subsidies. Instead, India can link the incentives to other performance indicators such as employment creation, technological upgradation, high-value manufacturing and services, and so on. Such benefits can still be “actionable” under the WTO law, but the importing country has to prove injury. Since Indian SEZs are not major exporters of manufactured goods, it may be difficult for the importing country to prove injury.

The third option can be to reorient subsidies exclusively towards services. Since the WTO is yet to develop a discipline on subsidies in services, subsidies given to services fall outside any WTO discipline. With increased “servicification” of manufacturing, services used by SEZ units can be subsidised. Subsidies can be given to compensate for the logistics services costs, labour transport costs, labour training costs, advertising and marketing costs, to name a few.

The fourth option is to focus on non-fiscal benefits and incentives. However, studies have shown that non-fiscal incentives enjoyed by Indian SEZ developers and units are far less than those offered by countries such as the Republic of Korea, China, the Philippines, and Bangladesh. For example, in the Philippines, economic zone enterprises registered with the Philippine Economic Zone Authority (PEZA) can employ non-resident foreign nationals in supervisory, technical, or advisory positions. The PEZA helps in visa processing, and foreign nationals in a PEZA-registered enterprise are given special non-immigrant visas with multiple-entry privileges. To encourage foreign investment and improve living conditions of foreign nationals, the Republic of Korea allows the establishment of foreign educational institutes and foreign hospitals in free economic zones (FEZs). Such facilities are not available in India. Such incentives are difficult to challenge in the WTO and are known as “smart” subsidies. Moreover, SEZs were proposed to receive single-window clearance for central and state-level approvals, which has not happened. Due to their inability to get non-fiscal incentives, companies in Indian SEZs are more dependent on fiscal incentives than companies located in SEZs of competing countries.

Summing Up

Exports from SEZs are facing a definite threat. It is important that for WTO compliance, greater emphasis is laid on the difference between export promotion practices that are prohibited and those that are merely actionable. It will be important to design smart policies to minimise “prohibited subsidies.” To reiterate, it is possible to subsist with measures that are merely “actionable,” but “prohibited subsidies” should be checked as much as possible. In this changing global environment, where protectionism is raising its head, continuing with the existing pattern of export incentive schemes will no longer be a viable policy option for India. A rethink of strategy is urgently required.

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Appendix – Meanings of ‘Subsidies’, ‘Specific Subsidies’, ‘Actionable Subsidies’, ‘Prohibited Subsidies’

The WTO SCM Agreement recognises that since certain subsidies are trade distorting, it is important to impose disciplines on these subsidies. To achieve this goal, the WTO has established a set of rules to govern subsidies and export incentives in its member countries.

The SCM Agreement defines the term “subsidy” based on three basic elements. To qualify as a subsidy, a measure must be (i) a financial contribution (or revenue foregone); (ii) it has to be made by a government or any public body within the territory of a member; and (iii) it should confer a benefit to the recipient.

All three criteria must be met for a subsidy to exist. However, even if a measure is a subsidy as defined in the SCM Agreement, it is not subject to the disciplines of the SCM Agreement unless the concerned subsidy is a “specific subsidy.” By “specific subsidy,” the SCM Agreement implies those subsidies that are specifically provided to an industry, a region, an enterprise or industry, or a group of enterprises or industries. In other words, the SCM Agreement will treat a subsidy as a “specific subsidy” if the granting authority limits access to the subsidy to certain enterprises or certain regions. Specific subsidies are “actionable” under WTO and countervailing duties (CVDs) can be imposed against exports that receive specific subsidies. However, to impose CVDs against “actionable subsidies,” a country, say, CountryA, must prove that subsidised exports from the concerned country, say, CountryB, is harming the domestic industries of CountryA. Proving such injury is complex and may take considerable time and resources.

But, in the WTO SCM Agreement, any subsidy which is export contingent is a “prohibited subsidy.”3 If a country is found to be giving “prohibited subsidies,” the concerned WTO member countries must go through a rapid dispute settlement process and, if found guilty, will have to remove these subsidies. This is the biggest difference between “actionable” and “prohibited subsidies.”

In discussing India’s SEZ policy, we mentioned that all the incentives given to SEZs are conditional on positive net foreign exchange earnings (NFE>0 for a five-year block). The US argues that this requirement implies that fiscal incentives given to SEZs are export contingent and, hence, are “prohibited subsidies.” Therefore, exports from Indian SEZs should face action from other WTO member countries.



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