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Showing posts with label SCO. Show all posts
Showing posts with label SCO. Show all posts

Thursday, July 5

UPSC: Shanghai Cooperation Organisation & Issues Related to India


Video Lecture Link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Vu3dbEdiTV4&t=615s

1.UPSC GK: How SCO membership can benefit India? (IR)
09.06.18

At the annual summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) in Yekaterinburg, Russia, in June 2009, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh gave Pakistan’s President Asif Ali Zardari a tough message: “I am happy to meet you, but my mandate is to tell you that the territory of Pakistan must not be used for terrorism.”

Both countries were “observers” at that summit, but India had for the first time expressed interest in joining the SCO, and had been represented at the level of the Prime Minister. One of the diplomats who had then seen value in joining the Eurasian political, economic, and security organisation was Ajay Bisaria, Joint Secretary (Eurasia) in the Ministry of External Affairs — now India’s High Commissioner to Pakistan.

INDIA UPGRADES FROM BEING OBSERVER TO FULL MEMBER: Ten years on, India will attend the SCO summit in Qingdao, China, on June 9-10 as a full member. Both India and Pakistan were admitted to the grouping at its summit in Astana, Kazakhstan, last June. From then to now, world politics has undergone several tectonic shifts, old assumptions have been challenged, and new variables have entered the mix.

* US-IRAN: The United States has pulled out of the nuclear deal (or JCPOA) between the P-5+1 and Iran, while the Europeans, Chinese and Russians have stayed on.

* US-NORTH KOREA: US President Donald Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un are scheduled to meet in Singapore on June 12, the first ever meeting between the leaders of the two countries.

* INDIA’S INFORMAL SUMMITS: After the two-and-a-half-month standoff at Doklam, India and China have attempted to reset relations with an informal summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping in Wuhan.

* US SANCTIONS ON RUSSIA: The US has imposed sanctions on Russia under the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA), which affects Indian defence purchases from its strongest defence partner.

* US PAKISTAN: The US has delivered a public rebuke to Pakistan for not cracking down on terrorists, and suspended military assistance it.

* Prime Minister Modi has made historic separate visits to Israel and Palestine, completing their de-hyphenation.

* UK-RUSSIA: The chemical attack in Salisbury has sharply escalated Russian-western tensions, and led to London and Moscow expelling each other’s diplomats.

* REVIVAL OF QUAD: The India-US-Japan-Australia quadrilateral has been revived against the backdrop of Chinese assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific.

SCO GIVES OPPORTUNITY TO RESET TIES WITH PAK: During his meetings in Qingdao over the weekend, Modi will have challenges to address and opportunities to harvest. The summit provides an opportunity for the Indian and Pakistani leaders to meet informally on the sidelines of a multilateral event. The two sides are obliged to cooperate on issues of mutual interest without bringing in their bilateral disputes. Signing off on joint counter-terrorism exercises will be a new form of engagement between the two militaries.

SCO GIVES DEPTH TO INDIA-CHINA COOPERATION: After the frank and fruitful exchanges in Wuhan, the summit will provide the Indian and Chinese leaders another opportunity to meet and talk. Doklam was resolved just before the Xiamen BRICS summit last year; the summit in Qingdao could be another marquee event for China to use to build ties with its neighbours.

RE-AFFIRM OLD FRIENDSHIP WITH RUSSIA: Russia has been India’s staunchest supporter in the SCO, having lobbied hard with Beijing for years to ensure its entry into the grouping. The conversation with President Vladimir Putin will continue, picking up the threads from the informal summit in Sochi last month. New Delhi has been clear that its relationship with Moscow would not be impacted by the West’s approach towards the Kremlin.

CONTINUE TO ENGAGE WITH IRAN: Similar red lines will be in play in India’s dealings with Iran, an observer state that has applied for full SCO membership. India has a powerful strategic interest in Iran’s Chabahar port, and Modi will have the opportunity to interact with the Iranian leader at the SCO. The Trump administration is hostile to Tehran, but New Delhi has been seeking to signal to Washington the alignment of interests in Chabahar, which allows access to Afghanistan bypassing Pakistan.

ENGAGE MORE WITH STANS: While the West has been sceptical of India’s sitting down with the less-than-free regimes of Central Asia, Russia and China, New Delhi has always been careful to not signal alignment with these countries on issues of governance. The “Shanghai Spirit” — the SCO’s driving philosophy — emphasises harmony, working by consensus, respect for other cultures, non-interference in the internal affairs of others, and non-alignment.

GREAT PLATFORM FOR INDIA TO PROJECT ITS VISION OF ITSELF: The SCO’s main objective of working cooperatively against the “three evils” of terrorism, separatism, and extremism sits well with New Delhi’s interests. Indeed, the SCO summit gives India an opportunity to showcase the kind of power it wants to be. As Modi heads to Qingdao, his foreign policy advisers will do well to recall these lines from the former National Security Adviser, Foreign Secretary, and envoy to both Pakistan and China, Shivshankar Menon’s Choices: Inside the Making of Indian Foreign Policy: “India cannot rely on others for its security because its economic, political, and security interests are unique, a function of its unique history, geography, and culture. If we wish to abolish mass poverty, hunger, illiteracy, and disease and modernise our country… we can do so only by becoming a great power, with the ability to shape the international system and environment to our purposes.

“Strategic autonomy”, Menon wrote, “is not just a slogan or a desire but a necessity if we are to transform India”.

XXX

2.New Asian constellation
15.06.18 TH OPINION

QINGDAO SUMMIT OF SCO: Earlier this month, the picturesque city of Qingdao became the perfect venue for a summit of eight Eurasian nations. India and Pakistan were the talk of the town as they were making their maiden appearance as full members of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO).

SCO’S GOAL EVOLVED FROM SECURITY TO CONNECTIVITY AND COLLECTIVE IDENTITY: The SCO was formed in 2001, with the intent of calming the Eurasian borders strained by the Sino-Soviet rivalry of the Cold War. But the organisation has since mutated from its core security orientation, seeking greater regional prosperity for the collective. Culture has become an important element of the SCO, attuned to the group’s search for an inclusive Eurasian identity.

CHINA, RUSSIA AND NOW INDIA BECOME PILLARS OF SCO: China and Russia have been the pillars of the SCO, encompassing a Central Asian core. India’s heavyweight entry in Qingdao meant that Chinese President Xi Jinping, his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi became instant stars of an aspirational event. The two-day summit, which began on June 9, echoed an important subtext.

SCO’S HARMONY AND PLURALITY STANDS IN CONTRAST TO PRESENTLY FEUDING G-7: The eight heads were meeting at a time when the leaders of the G-7 were engaged in bitter Twitter feuds across the Atlantic. Keen to contrast the rise of Eurasia as the vehicle of a post-U.S. order, participating nations — China and Russia, especially — were intent on showcasing the “eastern” values of mutual respect and plurality. Mr. Xi went out of his way to quote Confucius as the template of the “Shanghai spirit”, while Mr. Modi evoked Buddha and Rumi as precursors of an inclusive SCO ideology.

SCO ANOTHER OPPORTUNITY FOR INDIA TO MEET WITH CHINA: There were plenty of takeaways from the summit, but for India, Mr. Modi’s meeting with Mr. Xi on the sidelines of the event was important. It reinforced the promise of the Wuhan informal summit in late April, where the two leaders met to bury the ghost of the Doklam military stand-off and flag a fresh start to a relationship that has a mixed legacy.

The SCO summit also gave India fresh leads to engage with Central Asia. Landlocked Uzbekistan will now funnel goods through the Iranian port of Chabahar — a joint undertaking of Iran, India and Afghanistan.

UNDER PRETEXT OF EURASIAN COOPERATION, INDIA PAK TIES CAN IMPROVE ESPECIALLY ON CONNECTIVITY AND TRANSIT: But perhaps more significantly, India is re-exploring a transit corridor to Central Asia through Pakistan under the SCO’s multilateral connectivity initiative. If the Pakistan-Central Asia two-way route works, it can soften the ground for improved ties between New Delhi and Islamabad, as a subset of the rise of Eurasia. During the summit, China and Russia repeatedly highlighted that the SCO was a platform for narrowing India-Pakistan differences.

India would do well to seize the opportunity to develop a sustainable working relationship with Pakistan that benefits both, notwithstanding South Block’s ingrained distrust of the Generals in Rawalpindi.

The writer is The Hindu’s China correspondent

XXX

India’s pivot to Eurasia
20.06.18 TH Opinion
Sandwiched between U.S. President Donald Trump’s acrimonious public exchanges with other leaders at the G-7 (group of seven industrialised countries) summit (June 7-8) and the headline-hogging U.S.-North Korea summit (June 12), the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit in Qingdao, China (June 9-10) attracted little international attention. It was the first SCO summit attended by India as a full-fledged member (It has been an observer since 2005.)
SCO ORIGINATES AS SHANGHAI FIVE TO RESOLVE BOUNDARY DISPUTES BETWEEN CHINA AND ITS NEIGHBOURS: The SCO grew out of the Shanghai Five grouping — of Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan — which was set up in 1996 to resolve boundary disputes between China and each of the four other members. It admitted Uzbekistan in 2001, re-christened itself the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and broadened its agenda to include political, economic and security cooperation. It admitted India and Pakistan as full members in 2017.
The SCO opportunity
ENTRY OF INDIA AND PAKISTAN HAS ADDED SIGNIFICANT GEO-POLITICAL SIGNIFICANCE TO SCO: The admission of India and Pakistan has expanded the geographical, demographic and economic profile of the SCO, which now has about half the world’s population and a quarter of its GDP . Its boundary extends southwards to the Indian Ocean.
SCO PLATFORM WILL HELP INDIA FORGE BETTER RELATIONS IN ITS EXTENDED NEIGHBOURHOOD BEYOND PAKISTAN: The SCO’s relevance for India lies in geography, economics and geopolitics. Its members occupy a huge landmass adjacent to India’s extended neighbourhood, where India has important economic and security interests. Its Central Asian countries border Afghanistan, Pakistan and China. A narrow sliver of land separates southern Tajikistan from Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. When you have complicated relations with your neighbours, it makes sense to strengthen relations with your neighbours’ neighbours. With Pakistan joining the Organisation and Afghanistan and Iran knocking on the doors for membership, the logic of India’s membership becomes stronger.
INDIA’S CONTACT WITH CENTRAL ASIA WEAKENED AFTER COLLAPSE OF SOVIET UNION DUE TO INACCESSIBILITY: Since the break-up of the Soviet Union, the optimal development of India’s relations with Central Asian countries has been constrained by lack of overland access through Pakistan and Afghanistan/Iran, because of political and/or security reasons. With new multimodal transport corridors now envisaged through Iran, there are again prospects of invigorating trade and investment links with this region (provided fresh U.S. sanctions on Iran do not stymie this effort).
In the formative years of the SCO, Russia pushed strongly for India to join it, to somewhat balance China’s economic dominance in Central Asia. The Chinese were not responsive. China has since consolidated its energy and economic foothold in the region, where ambitious infrastructure and connectivity projects are envisaged as part of its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). It has secured the simultaneous admission of Pakistan into the SCO. India has to carve out a political and economic space for itself in Central Asia, alongside Russia’s role as net security provider and China’s dominating economic presence. The Central Asian countries would welcome India breaking into this Russia-China duopoly.
INDIA PAKISTAN MUSTN’T REDUCE SCO’S FUNCTIONALITY BY BILATERAL ACRIMONY: The India-Pakistan interaction was closely watched in Qingdao. The handshake and exchange of pleasantries between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Pakistan President Mamnoon Hussain were noted, as also the absence of bilateral altercations. It allayed apprehensions, expressed in the run-up to Indian and Pakistani accession, that SCO deliberations would get bogged down by India-Pakistan squabbles. It also respected the etiquette of international organisations: countries join them to promote shared objectives, not to settle bilateral scores.
The India-Pakistan track
ALTHOUGH CHINA MANAGED TO REOLVE ITS BOUNDARY DISPUTES VIA SCO, INDIA PAKISTAN MAY NOT BE ABLE TO: Russian President Vladimir Putin has suggested that harmonious cooperation in the SCO may pave the way for an India-Pakistan rapprochement, recalling that SCO membership had facilitated resolution of China’s boundary disputes with Russia and Central Asian countries. Chinese officials have also expressed this hope. The circumstances are not comparable. China made substantial concessions to settle its boundary disputes with Russia and Central Asia, in pursuit of larger strategic and economic objectives in the region. India-Pakistan differences extend well beyond a boundary dispute, flow from different historical circumstances and are located in a different geopolitical environment.
COUNTER-TERRORISM, STABILITY AND SECURITY COOPERATION BETWEEN INDIA AND PAKISTAN AT SCO: The SCO will, however, nudge both countries to cooperate in sensitive areas. One example is the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) of the SCO, which coordinates cooperation for security and stability, through intelligence-sharing on criminal and terrorist activities. India and Pakistan, which exchange mutual recriminations in such matters, have to find ways of cooperating in the RATS. Defence cooperation is another tricky area: enhanced linkages between armed forces is an SCO objective. India has agreed to participate in the SCO’s counter-terrorism military exercises in Russia later this year, when Indian and Pakistani troops will operate together. Reconciling Indian and Pakistani perspectives in the SCO’s initiatives on Afghanistan would be yet another challenge.
NPT, BRI, TERRORISM – MULTILATERALISM IN ALL THESE AREAS WILL MEAN FOCUSING ON SHARED OBJECTIVES AND UNDERPLAYING DIVERGENCES: The expansion of SCO has diluted its unanimity on hitherto shared perspectives. Tacitly accepting the fact that India and Pakistan are not signatories to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), the Qingdao declaration confirms the compliance of the SCO’s NPT signatories to its provisions. India’s reservations on China’s BRI are accommodated by excluding it from the list of SCO members that endorse it (all except India). The boilerplate formulations on terrorism accommodate the concerns of various members, without offending any. The essence of a functioning multilateral framework is focusing on shared objectives and underplaying divergences.
SCO WILL BE ABLE TO ARTICULATE NON-WESTERN IDEAS IN KEY GLOBAL ISSUES: Besides expanding opportunities for India in Central Asia, the SCO is a platform for articulating a non-Western — as distinct from anti-Western — perspective on global issues. This includes opposition to selective advocacy of regime change, self-serving homilies on human rights and intrusive advice on domestic policies. It suits India that the SCO is not stridently anti-West in its pronouncements. The U.S. cultivates relations with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan to ensure logistical support for its Afghanistan operations and to gradually wean them away from Russian influence . These countries welcome the room for manoeuvre that this gives them. Russia and China also carefully avoid strong anti-West postures in the SCO, preferring to deal with differences quietly and bilaterally.
Balance of forces
IF RUSSIA-USA RELATIONS FALTER, RUSSIA’S DEPENDENCE ON CHINA MAY INCREASE, POSSIBLY LEADING TO DOMINANCE OF SCO BY CHINA: The challenge for India — besides that of security and defence cooperation with Pakistan — may come from increasing Chinese dominance of the SCO. This could happen if Russia-U.S. relations worsen further, leading Russia to an even greater dependence on Chinese political and economic support.
KOREAN PEACE MAY LEAD TO REDUCTION OF US PRESENCE IN INDO-PACIFIC AND MAY TURN BALANCE OF POWER IN FAVOUR OF CHINA: Another possible game-changer could be the fallout of the much-heralded U.S.-North Korea summit. If, as Mr. Trump has hinted, peace in the Korean peninsula leads to reduced American military presence in the region, it would dramatically change the balance of forces in the Asia-Pacific in favour of China. This would transform Eurasian dynamics, with an inevitable impact on SCO.
P.S. Raghavan, a former diplomat, is Convenor of the National Security Advisory Board. The views expressed are personal
XXX  

1.      Aim of SCO was to ensure that liberal democracy could not gain ground in these countries
2.      Real objective of SCO is counterbalancing the activities of the United States and NATO in Central Asia
3.      SCO as a political IGO will smoothen roll out of BRI and rise of China






Monday, June 11

UPSC GK: What is the outcome of flurry of diplomacy between India and China? (IR)


On Saturday, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping met for the 14th time in four years. Is that an unusual frequency in leadership level meetings between the two nations?

The traditional bureaucratic equivalence between Indian Prime Ministers and Chinese Premiers has changed in recent years as the Indian Prime Minister has engaged with the Chinese President — a reflection of the power dynamic that places both leaders at the executive head of their governments.

RITUAL OF MEETING ON SIDELINES OF EACH SUMMIT: Prime Minister Modi and President Xi have not missed any major multilateral summit in the last four years — the G20, East Asia and ASEAN Summits, BRICS, and now the SCO. Whenever they have been in the same room, they have agreed to meet on the sidelines of the summit. One crucial meeting was a very brief encounter at last year’s G20 Summit in Hamburg, Germany, where the two leaders broke the ice on Doklam and asked officials to talk and resolve the crisis.

The fluid global situation, especially the unpredictability of the Donald Trump administration, has probably nudged the two leaders into greater and more frequent engagement than they might have pursued ordinarily.

It is also important to note that the two countries have increasingly had close encounters and conflicting interests in many parts of the world, and across issues — and they realise the importance of constant dialogue at a high level. Modi has demonstrated a clear individual style of engagement, and world leaders have responded positively to his initiative. Both Modi and Xi see themselves as strong leaders of their countries and peoples, and their personal engagement is a crucial aspect of the bilateral engagement on all outstanding issues.

KEY TAKEAWAYS FROM WUHAN AND QINGDAO: In Wuhan in April, Modi and Xi gave strategic guidance to their armies to build trust. In Qingdao, they decided to strengthen their communication. How should this be read?

The two-and-half month-long border standoff last year at the India-Bhutan-China trijunction at Doklam underlined the need to have stronger communication channels between the two militaries. While the incident was resolved through diplomacy, later analyses on both sides concluded that a more robust communication between the militaries could have helped avoid escalation. South Block had drawn a similar conclusion after the Chumar faceoff in September 2014, when President Xi was visiting.

At Wuhan, the two sides agreed to give “strategic guidance” to their militaries asking them to follow SOPs, and not escalate matters. The SoPs are outlined in several documents, including the 2013 Border Defence Cooperation Agreement signed by the Manmohan Singh government.
Following the strategic guidance, the two sides were keen to have stronger communication through phonecalls, meetings, visits by Defence Ministers and officials — and to work on ways to enhance trust and build confidence.

Also, Xi is now the numero uno leader in the communist party, China’s government, and the country, and has greater control over the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) than ever before. His position is comparable only to Chairman Mao Zedong’s, and “strategic guidance” from his office carries a lot of weight.

With India in its election year and China focussed on the US and on its eastern borders, both sides appear keen to avoid incidents that divert resources, attention and energy to the Line of Actual Control. Wuhan and Qingdao can be seen as an attempt to keep the LAC quiet in the short-term.

So has the possibility of border skirmishes been reduced?

Officials have maintained that the discussions in Qingdao were underpinned by the “Wuhan spirit”, indicating greater understanding between the two leaders.

CHINESE LEADERSHIP HAS BETTER CONTROL OVER ITS MILITARY’S ACTION: Since the Chinese President appears to be in control of the PLA — he has, in recent months, asked senior PLA officers to be loyal and obedient to the Communist Party of China (CPC) and, in the last five years, the Central Military Commission (CMC) has strived to build an army that upholds the CPC’s absolute leadership over the PLA — there is an expectation that his orders will be followed.

CHUMAR AND DOKLAM MAY BE THE DOING OF FIELD LEVEL OFFICIALS: Some analysts believe that Chumar and Doklam were done by local-level field commanders, and did not have sanction from Beijing. Those in the establishment who agree with this analysis feel that an understanding between the top leaders would mean less turbulent times on the border. But many Indian analysts also quote Deng Xiaoping’s famous line, “Hide your capacities and bide your time”, and advocate caution.

What is the significance of the hydrological data sharing pact with China?

HYDRO DATA SHARING FROZE AFTER DALAI LAMA’S VISIT TO ARUNACHAL: After the Dalai Lama’s visit to Arunachal Pradesh in April last year, Beijing had warned of adverse consequences for China’s relationship with India. From May 15 onwards, the data sharing agreement between India and China on the Brahmaputra stood frozen. The Indian side raised the issue several times, even during the Doklam standoff, but there was no thaw in the freeze on information-sharing.

HYDRO DATA VERY CRUCIAL FOR FLOOD MANAGEMENT: This data is crucial to prevent flooding in the Northeast. The pact will hopefully enable stricter adherence to the protocol of sharing information. As the lower riparian country, India (along with Bangladesh), stands to gain significantly from a more robust data-sharing mechanism.

In the bigger picture, what do summits like Qingdao and Wuhan mean?

Wuhan marked the “reset” of the Sino-Indian relationship — it was preceded by the government’s diktat to officials to not attend the Dalai Lama’s events — and there is satisfaction in South Block that the understandings reached in April have been followed through.

2018 IS THE YEAR OF RESET AFTER A WASTED 2017: So far, the attempt to put the relationship on an even keel has been successful. There have been meetings at all levels — from NSA to Foreign Minister and Foreign Secretary — and the momentum is expected to pick up. Many in the establishment feel that 2017 was either a “wasted” or a “missed” opportunity, and 2018 is the year of the reset, and of trying to bring the relationship back on track. A slew of visits, meetings and interactions will take place through the year, and will continue into the next year — if all goes well on the border, or any other issue does not derail the process.

INDIA CHINA MAYBE ON TRACT TO INSTITUTIONALISE AN ANNUAL SUMMIT: For Xi to come to India for an informal summit in 2019 is a new and smart way to institutionalise an “annual summit” between the top leaders of the two countries. At present, India has annual summits only with two countries — Japan and Russia. The India-China informal annual summit, if institutionalised, will be the first with a neighbour, and is pregnant with opportunities. It could be expected to strengthen “strategic communication” between the countries, irrespective of the political party in power. The risk for Modi is that a speedbump of any kind — another border skirmish, an escalation of differences over Belt and Road, or something to do with Pakistan — may be politically damaging in an election year.


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Saturday, June 9

UPSC GK: How SCO membership can benefit India? (IR)


At the annual summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) in Yekaterinburg, Russia, in June 2009, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh gave Pakistan’s President Asif Ali Zardari a tough message: “I am happy to meet you, but my mandate is to tell you that the territory of Pakistan must not be used for terrorism.”

Both countries were “observers” at that summit, but India had for the first time expressed interest in joining the SCO, and had been represented at the level of the Prime Minister. One of the diplomats who had then seen value in joining the Eurasian political, economic, and security organisation was Ajay Bisaria, Joint Secretary (Eurasia) in the Ministry of External Affairs — now India’s High Commissioner to Pakistan.

INDIA UPGRADES FROM BEING OBSERVER TO FULL MEMBER: Ten years on, India will attend the SCO summit in Qingdao, China, on June 9-10 as a full member. Both India and Pakistan were admitted to the grouping at its summit in Astana, Kazakhstan, last June. From then to now, world politics has undergone several tectonic shifts, old assumptions have been challenged, and new variables have entered the mix.

* US-IRAN: The United States has pulled out of the nuclear deal (or JCPOA) between the P-5+1 and Iran, while the Europeans, Chinese and Russians have stayed on.

* US-NORTH KOREA: US President Donald Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un are scheduled to meet in Singapore on June 12, the first ever meeting between the leaders of the two countries.

* INDIA’S INFORMAL SUMMITS: After the two-and-a-half-month standoff at Doklam, India and China have attempted to reset relations with an informal summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping in Wuhan.

* US SANCTIONS ON RUSSIA: The US has imposed sanctions on Russia under the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA), which affects Indian defence purchases from its strongest defence partner.

* US PAKISTAN: The US has delivered a public rebuke to Pakistan for not cracking down on terrorists, and suspended military assistance it.

* Prime Minister Modi has made historic separate visits to Israel and Palestine, completing their de-hyphenation.

* UK-RUSSIA: The chemical attack in Salisbury has sharply escalated Russian-western tensions, and led to London and Moscow expelling each other’s diplomats.

* REVIVAL OF QUAD: The India-US-Japan-Australia quadrilateral has been revived against the backdrop of Chinese assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific.

SCO GIVES OPPORTUNITY TO RESET TIES WITH PAK: During his meetings in Qingdao over the weekend, Modi will have challenges to address and opportunities to harvest. The summit provides an opportunity for the Indian and Pakistani leaders to meet informally on the sidelines of a multilateral event. The two sides are obliged to cooperate on issues of mutual interest without bringing in their bilateral disputes. Signing off on joint counter-terrorism exercises will be a new form of engagement between the two militaries.

SCO GIVES DEPTH TO INDIA-CHINA COOPERATION: After the frank and fruitful exchanges in Wuhan, the summit will provide the Indian and Chinese leaders another opportunity to meet and talk. Doklam was resolved just before the Xiamen BRICS summit last year; the summit in Qingdao could be another marquee event for China to use to build ties with its neighbours.

RE-AFFIRM OLD FRIENDSHIP WITH RUSSIA: Russia has been India’s staunchest supporter in the SCO, having lobbied hard with Beijing for years to ensure its entry into the grouping. The conversation with President Vladimir Putin will continue, picking up the threads from the informal summit in Sochi last month. New Delhi has been clear that its relationship with Moscow would not be impacted by the West’s approach towards the Kremlin.

CONTINUE TO ENGAGE WITH IRAN: Similar red lines will be in play in India’s dealings with Iran, an observer state that has applied for full SCO membership. India has a powerful strategic interest in Iran’s Chabahar port, and Modi will have the opportunity to interact with the Iranian leader at the SCO. The Trump administration is hostile to Tehran, but New Delhi has been seeking to signal to Washington the alignment of interests in Chabahar, which allows access to Afghanistan bypassing Pakistan.

ENGAGE MORE WITH STANS: While the West has been sceptical of India’s sitting down with the less-than-free regimes of Central Asia, Russia and China, New Delhi has always been careful to not signal alignment with these countries on issues of governance. The “Shanghai Spirit” — the SCO’s driving philosophy — emphasises harmony, working by consensus, respect for other cultures, non-interference in the internal affairs of others, and non-alignment.

GREAT PLATFORM FOR INDIA TO PROJECT ITS VISION OF ITSELF: The SCO’s main objective of working cooperatively against the “three evils” of terrorism, separatism, and extremism sits well with New Delhi’s interests. Indeed, the SCO summit gives India an opportunity to showcase the kind of power it wants to be. As Modi heads to Qingdao, his foreign policy advisers will do well to recall these lines from the former National Security Adviser, Foreign Secretary, and envoy to both Pakistan and China, Shivshankar Menon’s Choices: Inside the Making of Indian Foreign Policy: “India cannot rely on others for its security because its economic, political, and security interests are unique, a function of its unique history, geography, and culture. If we wish to abolish mass poverty, hunger, illiteracy, and disease and modernise our country… we can do so only by becoming a great power, with the ability to shape the international system and environment to our purposes.

“Strategic autonomy”, Menon wrote, “is not just a slogan or a desire but a necessity if we are to transform India”.


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