38. KERALA FLOODS – HOW TO BE ‘FLOOD-READY’?

Introduction

Following the enactment of the Disaster Management Act, 2005, (DM Act, 2005) the Government of India (GOI) constituted the National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA) as the apex body for Disaster Management (DM) in India with the mandate, inter alia, for laying down policies and guidelines on DM. At the national level, there is to be a paradigm shift from the erstwhile reliefcentric and post-event syndrome to pro-active prevention-, mitigation- and preparedness-driven DM. These efforts will conserve developmental gains and also minimise loss of lives, livelihood systems and property.

Vulnerability to Floods

Floods have been a recurrent phenomenon in India and cause huge losses to lives, properties, livelihood systems, infrastructure and public utilities. India’s high risk and vulnerability is highlighted by the fact that 400 lakh hectares out of a geographical area of 3290 lakh hectares is prone to floods. On an average every year, 75 lakh hectares of land is affected, 1600 lives are lost and the damage caused to crops, houses and public utilities is Rs. 1805 crores due to floods. The maximum number of lives (11,316) were lost in the year 1977. The frequency of major floods is more than once in five years. Floods have also occurred in areas, which were earlier not considered flood prone. Eighty per cent of the precipitation takes place in the monsoon months from June to September. The rivers bring heavy sediment load from the catchments. These, coupled with inadequate carrying capacity of the rivers are responsible for causing floods, drainage congestion and erosion of river-banks. Cyclones, cyclonic circulations and cloud bursts cause flash floods and lead to huge losses. The fact that some of the rivers causing damage in India originate in neighboring countries, adds another complex dimension to the problem. 

Urban Flooding

Flooding in the cities and the towns is a recent phenomenon caused by increasing incidence of heavy rainfall in a short period of time, indiscriminate encroachment of waterways, inadequate capacity of drains and lack of maintenance of the drainage infrastructure. 

Action Plans at Various Levels

All key agencies, including the central ministries, and departments, state governments, local bodies including Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs), and Urban Local Bodies (ULBs) like metropolitan development authorities, municipal corporations, municipal councils and district authorities will develop detailed FMPs based on these Guidelines. State governments and local authorities will play an important role in the formulation and effective implementation of such action plans. The communities and other stakeholders will play an important part in ensuring compliance to the regulations and their effective enforcement. The State Disaster Management Authorities (SDMAs) will be responsible for reviewing and monitoring the implementation of the action plans at the state-level.

The Objectives of the Guidelines

These Guidelines rest on the following objectives aimed at increasing the efficacy of the FMPs, which will be prepared at various levels:

1.  

     Shifting the focus to preparedness by implementing, in a time-bound manner, an optimal combination of technoeconomically viable, socially acceptable and eco-friendly structural and nonstructural measures of FM.

2.       Ensuring regular monitoring of the effectiveness and sustainability of various structures and taking appropriate measures for their restoration and strengthening.

3.       Continuous modernisation of flood forecasting, early warning and decision support systems.

4.       Ensuring the incorporation of flood resistant features in the design and construction of new structures in the flood prone areas.

5.       Drawing up time-bound plans for the flood proofing of strategic and public utility structures in flood prone areas.

6.       Improving the awareness and preparedness of all stakeholders in the flood prone areas.

7.       Introducing appropriate capacity development interventions for effective FM (including education, training, capacity building, research and development, and documentation.)

8.       Improving the compliance regime through appropriate mechanisms.

9.       Strengthening the emergency response capabilities.

Earlier Initiatives of the Government of India

Following the unprecedented floods of 1954, the then Union Minister for Planning, Irrigation and Power placed before Parliament on 3 September 1954, the statements on floods which set the objective of reducing the menace of floods. Later on, in a subsequent statement in Parliament on 27 July 1956, the emphasis was laid on doing all that was possible to contain floods in the country. Since then the government has taken various initiatives and set up a number of committees to study the problem and recommend several remedial measures. The most important ones are the High Level Committee on Floods (1957), the Ministers Committee on Flood Control (1964), the Rashtriya Barh Ayog (1980) and Task Force on Flood Management/Erosion Control (2004).

Institutional Framework

As per the constitutional provisions, FM is a state subject and as such the primary responsibility for flood management lies with the states. The central government has taken various initiatives and set up a number of organisations dealing with the floods. The most notable one is the enactment of the National Disaster Management Act, December 2005 and setting up of the NDMA, which has been assigned to deal with all types of disasters including the floods.  

The state governments are to set up State Disaster Management Authorities (SDMAs) and State Executive Committees (SECs) to perform similar functions at the state level. These are in addition to existing organisations dealing with the floods in the states. There is a need to set up a central organisation to lay down policy and implement FM measures in consultation with the states and other stakeholders as floods are not confined to one state and flooding in one state leads to flooding in adjoining states. Accordingly, it has been proposed to set up River Basin Organisations to deal with the management of water resources at river basin level. It is also proposed to set up a National Flood Management Institute (NFMI) at an appropriate location in one of the flood prone states, to impart training to engineers, administrators, personnel of the police departments, Non-governmental Organisations (NGOs) and Community Based Orgnisations (CBOs) etc.

Activities for Minimising Flood Risk and Losses

The activities proposed to be undertaken aim at minimising the flood risk and losses and are to be implemented in three phases in addition to recurring activities.

Phase-I

These activities include identification and marking of flood prone areas on maps, preparation of close contour and flood vulnerability maps, formulating plans for expansion and modernisation of flood forecasting and warning systems, identification of priority flood protection and drainage improvement works, identification of reservoirs for review and modification of operation manuals and rule curves and undertaking special studies on problems of river erosion. These will be initiated immediately and efforts will be made to complete them in a phased manner with the last of these activities scheduled for completion by January 2010.

Phase-II

These include implementation of the schemes for expansion and modernisation of the flood forecasting and warning network, execution of flood protection and drainage improvement schemes, modification and adoption of revised reservoir operation manuals, enactment and enforcement of flood plain zoning regulations and planning and preparation of Detailed Project Reports (DPRs) for storage reservoirs and implementation of the schemes for real-time collection of hydrometeorological data on rivers in Nepal, Bhutan and China. These activities, which aim at implementation of FMPs, will commence immediately after the completion of the link activities of Phase-I and will be completed by March 2012.

Phase-III

Implementation of activities, which include construction of dams and catchment area treatment (CAT) works in India as well as neighboring countries, is likely to take considerable time as they entail major environmental, social, inter-state and international implications. These need careful study and interaction with the stakeholders. It is envisaged that all feasible schemes will be completed by the year 2025.

Recurring Activities

These activities which include inspection of dams, embankments and other structural measures, execution of restoration and strengthening works and expansion and modernisation of flood forecasting and warning systems, are to be taken on a regular basis for ensuring the effectiveness and sustainability of various measures for minimising flood risk. The relevance and status of various activities will be continuously monitored and reviewed. The activities will be modified, if felt necessary. The preparedness of the central ministries and departments concerned and the state governments will be reviewed in April/May every year and appropriate corrective measures will be taken before the commencement of the monsoon. A post-monsoon review will be held every year in November/December so as to finalise the action plan for preparatory measures to be implemented before the onset of the next monsoon.

Flood Management Plans

It is expected that based on these guidelines the central ministries and departments concerned and the state governments will prepare their FMPs which will be holistic, participatory, inclusive, ecofriendly and gender-sensitive in nature and the implementation of which will result in a flood- resilient India. The plans will focus on the community and the collective efforts of the government and NGOs.

XXX

ACCOUNT DETAILS FOR CONTRIBUTION

Account Number:  67319948232
Bank: State Bank of India
Branch: City Branch, Thiruvananthapuram
IFS Code: SBIN0070028

XXX

KERALA FLOOD NUMBERS:

1.       DEATH TOLL 29

2.       54000 DISPLACED

3.       439 RELIEF CAMPS

4.       5 COLUMNS OF ARMY

5.       7 SEVERELY HIT NORTHERN DISTRICTS OUT OF 14

6.        

37. THE DRAVIDIAN MOVEMENT – A TRIBUTE TO M KARUNANIDHI

In recent years sociologists and social anthropologists have started conducting enquiries into Indian political institutions. Many of these sociological studies, based on intensive fieldwork experience in specific areas in India, focus attention on the importance of social factors in the political processes of the country. These studies show, in particular, the role of caste affiliations in the politics of the country. However, there is no single comprehensive sociological work on the contemporary history of India. This is a great lacuna in our studies on modern India which needs to be urgently filled.

No study on contemporary Indian problems will be complete without any reference to the various socio-political movements which arose in the early years of this century as a protest against the domination of certain sections of population in different parts of India. The Dravida Kazagam (DK) and the Dravida Munnetra Kazagam (DMK) movement in Tamilnad are one such development in peninsular India.

Genesis of D M K

Today the DK and DMK play an important part in the social and political life of the people of Tamilnad. In recent years these two organisations have come to attract nation-wide attention as a result of their militant and separatist activities. To understand the present position of the DK and DMK movement in the country it is very necessary to trace its history. There are not very many authentic historical accounts on the DK and DMK movements in Tamilnad. The few that are available do not give a complete picture of the movement. Therefore, T M Parthasarathy's comprehensive book is very welcome.

The DK and DMK movement has its genesis in the Brahman—nonBrahman conflict. The Brahman—nonBrahman conflict in Tamilnad has been associated with three organisations, first the Justice Party, then the DK and now the DMK. It should be kept in mind that although the first two organisations were specifically created to assert the rights of non-Brahmans against the dominant position of the Brahmans, the DMK has not been explicitly anti-Brahmanical in its aims and programmes. Stated briefly then the history of the movement may be outlined in three phases largely corresponding to the development of the three organisations.

Justice Party

The call for the promotion of the interests of 'Dravidians' was given first by the Thenindeya Nala Urumai Sangam (South Indian Welfare Society or Party) which was founded in 1916. The move for establishing such a society was initiated by Sir P Thyagarayar. At the time of its establishment the Society consisted of such eminent non-Brahman leaders as Dr T M Nair, Dr C Natesa Mudaliar, Raja of Panagal and Sir A Ramasami Mudaliar. The Society started running three daily newspapers, one in English called Justice, another in Tamil called Dravidan and the third one in Telegu called Andera Prakashani. This Society was later on popularly called the 'Justice Party' after the title of its English newspaper. The Justice Party contested the 'election' in 1920 and formed the first-ever Indian 'cabinet' in Madras in 1921. The Justice Party had put up candidates again during the 1923 election and it formed the second cabinet in the following year. But in the elections held in 1926 the Justice Party could not secure a majority of seats in the State Legislature and lost the control of the State to the Swarajya Party. The Justice Party never completely recovered from the defeat of 1926, though it lingered on as a party till 1936. The general elections in 1936 gave the last blow to the Justice Party, for no member belonging to the party was elected to the State Legislature. The image of the Justice Party as the organisation of rich landlords and Western-educated upper-caste non-Brahman intellectuals of Tamilnad and Telegu country contributed, to a certain extent, to its downfall.

The Justice Party became a defunct organisation by 1940. However, the call for the promotion of the interests of 'Dravidians' did not end with the Justice Party, and that responsibility was taken over by the Dravida Kazagam. The DK, founded in 1942 by E V Ramasami Naicker (Who is popularly known as Periyar or 'the Elder') aimed at the organisation of 'Dravidians' towards the goal of 'self respect' (suyamariyathai). The establishment of the DK in itself should be considered as the culmination of the suyamariyathat movement which was set in motion right from the hayday of the Justice Party. Periyar, the founderleader of the DK, advocated that the non-Brahmans, i e, persons other than the Brahmans, in Tamilnad should oppose anybody calling them nonBrahmans but should consider themselves as belonging to the 'Dravidian race'. Periyar also propagated the positive identity of non-Brahmans as members of a 'Dravidian nation' entitled to sovereign independence from the Indian union. This ideology found expression in slogans such as 'thamezar nadu thamezarukke' (Tamilnad belongs to only Tamilians) and 'Dravida nadu Dravidarukke' (the land of the Dravidians belongs only to Dravidians). The hold of E V Ramasami Naicker on the movement did not last long. His influence was considerably curtailed by the establishment of the DMK.

D K and DMK :

The Differences The DMK was formed in 1949 by some of the ambitious followers of Periyar under the leadership of C N Annadurai (who is popularly known as Aringar Anna or Learned Elder Brother), when Periyar—at that time a man of 72—married a girl of 28 years. Though the followers of Anna had differences with Periyar on the marriage question, the differences were more deep-rooted. The DMK as an organisation differed from DK in its principles and objectives. In the first place, DK under the control of a single person, the Periyar, was not a wellknit organisation. The DMK. on the other hand, from its inception believed in facing the problems it confronted as a single organisation. In the second place, Periyar at no time gave any serious thought to the question of making DK a political party interested in capturing a place for itself in the political institutions of the country. The DMK, on the other hand, has been taking an active part in the political field and it has been putting up candidates for municipal, State and parliamentary elections.

Anti-North Orientation

The DK and DMK movement, started initially as a protest against the domination of the Brahmans in Tamilnad, was given a new dimension after India's Independence when the attack was directed against the alleged domination of North India. It found expression in the slogan 'therku thaikerathu, vadaku valarkerathu', i e, the South is receding and the North is progressing. Opposition to 'Aryan' domination is the common reason for the movement's antipathy to the Brahmans and the North. In order to escape the alleged domination of the North, the DMK started the agitation for an independent 'Dravida nadu' or 'Dravidasthan'. It seems, from the book under review, that though the DMK has because of legal and constitutional compulsions given up recently its demand for an independent Gravida nadu', it has not lost faith in the ideal. Along with the movement against the Brahmans and the North, a host of other activities were initiated, primarily directed against the use of Hindi language in schools and colleges in Tamilnad and the use of Sanskrit in temple worship and against idol worship.

xxx

HISTORICAL & SOCIAL BACKGROUND

The formation of Justice Party was another important event which mobilized backward castes politically in Tamil Nadu. The basic idea behind its formation was that the non-Brahmins realized the importance of literacy as a base of Brahmins’ virtual monopoly of government offices. Dr. T.M. Nair, P. Thyagaraja Chetty, and C.N. Mudaliar were the founding fathers of justice party. The proclaimed objective of justice party was to provide justice to all Dravidians through the establishment of a separate state under the auspices of the British government (Mukhopadhyay 2012). During the second quarter of the 20th century, the Self Respect movement introduced a programme of non-Brahmin uplift in Tamil Nadu that consisted of a radical critique of social, political and economic relations. Periyar E.V. Ramaswamy was the leader of this movement. It was a popular movement, which occurred in Tamil Nadu in 1925. Its main aim was to improve upon the socio-economic conditions of the low castes Tamils. Later it had profound implications.

Self Respect was not only a set of arguments, but also a set of practical strategies for transforming everyday and ritual life into revolutionary propaganda through choice of dress, names, home décor and domestic ritual, as well as through attending public meetings and reading newspapers. In particular, ‘modern, Self Respecting Tamil couples’ were projected as a resolution to what the Self Respect movement high-lighted as the social, political and economic problems perpetuated by the traditional joint family. Yet, over the course of the 20th century in Tamil Nadu, marriage and family proved to be unstable vehicles for the revolutionary transformation of socio-political domains (Hodges 2005). According to Mukhopadhyay (2012) this movement suffered split with Annadurai forming the Dravid Munnetra Kazagam with active support from Karunanidhi, Natarajan, and Sampth. The Dravidian movement which has started out as a movement for the upliftment of Adi-Dravida and the Dalits, later got involved in active politics, and DMK became a political entity with a massive following of backward classes and Dalits in Tamil Nadu.

Xxx

EMERGENCE OF DMK AS A POLITICAL FORCE AND FORMATION OF AIADMK

The political plunge bore fruit in 1967, when the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, an offshoot of the Dravidar Kazhagam, swept the Assembly elections. CN Annadurai became the Chief Minister and remained in office until his death in February 1969. He was succeeded by M Karunanidhi – the incumbent president of the party. The first government legalised “self-respect marriage”, implemented pro-poor schemes like providing subsidised rice and promoted the Tamil language. The party won its second consecutive election in 1971. By then, however, inner-party rivalry and allegations of corruption weakened the ideological bearings. A year later, actor MGR left the party to form his own – All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam. This split the Dravidian movement into two and the rivalry between them continues till date.

XXX

TIMELINE

The Beginnings: The Dravidian Movement emerged in the late 19th and early 20th centuries as the response of non-Brahmin communities to Brahmin dominance in public life, especially government. The South Indian Liberal Federation (popularly called the Justice Party) was the first organised platform of non-Brahmins in Madras presidency. The Party won elections in 1920 on an anti-Brahmin, anti-Congress platform. Its anti-Brahmin manifesto, while complaining about Brahmin domination in jobs, did not, however, challenge the ritual status of Brahmins. The Self Respect Movement begun by Periyar E V Ramasami (left), who had left the Congress over its conservative approach to caste, provided the radical edge to the Movement. Periyar was anti-caste and anti-religion.

1944: Dravidar Kazhagam (DK): In 1938, Justice Party (1916) and Self Respect Movement (1925) came together under Periyar’s leadership. In 1944, the new outfit was renamed Dravidar Kazhagam. DK was anti-Brahmin, anti-Congress and anti-Aryan (read North Indian). In 1938, when Rajagopalachari’s Congress ministry imposed Hindi in the state, DK launched protests that became a movement for an independent Dravida nation. DK is today led by K Veeramani (right).

1949: Annadurai Forms DMK: DK did not accept Indian independence and continued the demand for Dravida Nadu. Periyar also refused to contest elections. In 1949, the DK split and Periyar’s charismatic lieutenant, C N Annadurai, walked away with supporters to form the DMK. Annadurai joined the electoral process, with social democracy and Tamil cultural nationalism defining his politics. He was silent on Dravida Nadu. In 1967, DMK won office; Annadurai became Chief Minister.

1972: DMK Splits, MGR Walks: In 1969, Annadurai died and M Karunanidhi (left) took control of DMK. In 1972, differences between Karunanidhi and M G Ramachandran (right), actor and charismatic campaigner, split the party. MGR formed the AIADMK, with associations of his fans as the organisation’s bedrock. In 1977, MGR came to power, and remained undefeated until his death in 1987. He diluted the rationalist and anti-Brahmin agenda, and opted for welfarism as party ideology.

The Dravidian Movement Today: It is represented by DK, DMK, AIADMK and MDMK. DK does not contest polls; propagates Periyar’s ideals including atheism and rationalist practices.

34. ARTICLE 35A – CONTROVERSIAL ORIGIN

What is it?

Article 35A is a provision incorporated in the Constitution giving the Jammu and Kashmir Legislature a carte blanche to decide who all are ‘permanent residents’ of the State and confer on them special rights and privileges in public sector jobs, acquisition of property in the State, scholarships and other public aid and welfare. The provision mandates that no act of the legislature coming under it can be challenged for violating the Constitution or any other law of the land.

How did it come about?

Article 35A was incorporated into the Constitution in 1954 by an order of the then President Rajendra Prasad on the advice of the Jawaharlal Nehru Cabinet. The controversial Constitution (Application to Jammu and Kashmir) Order of 1954 followed the 1952 Delhi Agreement entered into between Nehru and the then Prime Minister of Jammu and Kashmir Sheikh Abdullah, which extended Indian citizenship to the ‘State subjects’ of Jammu and Kashmir.

The Presidential Order was issued under Article 370 (1) (d) of the Constitution. This provision allows the President to make certain “exceptions and modifications” to the Constitution for the benefit of ‘State subjects’ of Jammu and Kashmir.

So Article 35A was added to the Constitution as a testimony of the special consideration the Indian government accorded to the ‘permanent residents’ of Jammu and Kashmir.

According to the Jammu-Kashmir constitution, a Permanent Resident is defined as a person who was a state subject on May 14, 1954, or who has been residing in the state for a period of 10 years, and has “lawfully acquired immovable property in the state”.

Only the Jammu-Kashmir assembly can change the definition of PR through a law ratified by a two-thirds majority.

Why does it matter?

The parliamentary route of lawmaking was bypassed when the President incorporated Article 35A into the Constitution. Article 368 (i) of the Constitution empowers only Parliament to amend the Constitution. So did the President act outside his jurisdiction? Is Article 35A void because the Nehru government did not place it before Parliament for discussion? A five-judge Bench of the Supreme Court in its March 1961 judgment in Puranlal Lakhanpal vs. The President of India discusses the President’s powers under Article 370 to ‘modify’ the Constitution. Though the court observes that the President may modify an existing provision in the Constitution under Article 370, the judgment is silent as to whether the President can, without the Parliament’s knowledge, introduce a new Article. This question remains open.

A writ petition filed by NGO We the Citizens challenges the validity of both Article 35A and Article 370. It argues that four representatives from Kashmir were part of the Constituent Assembly involved in the drafting of the Constitution and the State of Jammu and Kashmir was never accorded any special status in the Constitution. Article 370 was only a ‘temporary provision’ to help bring normality in Jammu and Kashmir and strengthen democracy in that State, it contends. The Constitution-makers did not intend Article 370 to be a tool to bring permanent amendments, like Article 35A, in the Constitution.

The petition said Article 35 A is against the “very spirit of oneness of India” as it creates a “class within a class of Indian citizens”. Restricting citizens from other States from getting employment or buying property within Jammu and Kashmir is a violation of fundamental rights under Articles 14, 19 and 21 of the Constitution.

A second petition filed by Jammu and Kashmir native Charu Wali Khanna has challenged Article 35A for protecting certain provisions of the Jammu and Kashmir Constitution, which restrict the basic right to property if a native woman marries a man not holding a permanent resident certificate. “Her children are denied a permanent resident certificate, thereby considering them illegitimate,” the petition said.

Why does it matter?

Attorney-General K.K. Venugopal has called for a debate in the Supreme Court on the sensitive subject.

Recently, a Supreme Court Bench, led by Justice Dipak Misra, tagged the Khanna petition with the We the Citizens case, which has been referred to a three-judge Bench. The court has indicated that the validity of Articles 35A and 370 may ultimately be decided by a Constitution Bench.

Counter View

The view from the Right is that by striking down Article 35A, it would allow people from outside Jammu-Kashmir to settle in the state and acquire land and property, and the right to vote, thus altering the demography of the Muslim-majority state.

The state’s two main political parties, PDP and NC, contend that there would be no J&K left if this provision is tampered with, and have vowed to fight the battle together.

Former Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti had warned that if Article 35A is removed, there won’t be anyone left to carry the Tricolour in Kashmir; Omar Abdullah has called it the death knell for pro-India politics in the Valley.

ISSUES BEING DEBATED

Article 35A, first, the Constitutionality of insertion of Article 35A, and second the conception of equality among the Indian citizen.

33. Article 370 & Procedure for Amendment of Constituion

SPECIAL PROVISIONS

The Indian Constitution protects certain sections of the society which have faced injustice historically. In the similar vein, the Indian Constitution protects certain States to immune from the Constitution under Part XXI titled ―Temporary, Transitional and Special Provisions‖ from Articles 369 to 392. In this Part, the Indian Constitution provides temporary provisos to the State of Jammu & Kashmir (Art 370). The Indian Constitution also provides special provisions to State of Maharashtra and Gujarat (Art.371), Nagaland (Art. 371A)Nagaland (Art. 371A), Assam (Art. 371B), Manipur (Art. 371C), Andhra Pradesh (Art. 371D), Sikkim (Art. 371F), Mizoram (Art. 371G), Arunachal Pradesh (Art. 371H), Goa (Art. 371-I) and Karnataka (Art. 371 J). The object behind to provide ―special‖ and ―temporary‖ provision to the certain States was to protect these State‘s autonomy in some areas.

LIMITS ON POWERS OF PRESIDENT

The issue of consideration is, besides giving assent to the Bill passed by the Both Houses (Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha), President of India has sole legislative power under article 123 to make ordinance when either house of the Parliament is not in session. These legislative powers of the President have only six-month effect; in other words, it is the authority to make laws without discussion in the Parliament in urgency for a shorter period. It is an exception in the making law not a general rule or a permanent measure. In the Constitutional scheme, the President of India has no legislative power to amends the Constitution by bypass the democratic process. President‘s legislative, executive and judicial power is subjective to aid and advice by the Council of Minister (Art 74), but all these powers do not allow to the President to go beyond the spirit of the Constitution.

POWERS OF PRESIDENT VIA ARTICLE 370

370. Temporary provisions with respect to the State of Jammu and Kashmir

Unparalleled Special Status to Jammu & Kashmir

Power of Parliament to make laws for the state is limited to – external affairs, defence, communications and ancilliary matters.

Such other matters in the said Lists (Union and Concurrent) as, with the concurrence of the Government of the State, the President may by order specify.

1 (d) such of the other provisions of this Constitution shall apply in relation to that State subject to such exceptions and modifications as the President may by order specify

Nowhere in the Article 370 mentions that President of India has the power to amend the Constitution or insert a new Article in the Constitution? The Article 370 only states that the President can make any exceptions and modifications with the concurrence of the Government of the State. Subclause 1 (d) of the Article 370 states that: ―Such power of the other provisions of this Constitution shall apply in relation to that State subject to such exceptions and modifications as the President may by order specify.‖

POWERS TO AMEND THE CONSTITUTION

Article 368 is the only way to amend the Constitution, not the President. The marginal note of Article 368 States ―Power of the Parliament to amend the Constitution and procedure, therefore‖ which means it is the Parliament that has the power to amend the Constitution.

32. BRICS – PAST, PRESENT & FUTURE

32. BRICS – PAST, PRESENT & FUTURE

What is BRICS? Why do these countries hold summits? Do they have enough in common to make a difference in the global economics and politics? What have they achieved?

What are the BRICS?

In 2001, Jim O’Neill, then Chief Economist of Goldman Sachs, coined the acronym for Brazil, Russia, India and China as the largest emerging markets economies. He expected them to grow faster than the developed countries and to play an increasingly important role in the world.

And so they have. In the last 15 years, Brazil, Russia, and India have caught up with the smallest G7 economy (Italy) in terms of nominal GDP, while China has overtaken Japan and became the second largest economy in the world. Together, BRIC’s nominal GDP is similar to that of the EU or US and is likely to overtake both in the coming few years.

In 2009, BRIC countries held their first summit. In 2010, South Africa asked to join and was invited – thus transforming BRICs into BRICS.

Why does the world need the BRICS?

Jim O’Neill’s point has been that the world is changing. The leading role of the Group of Seven (G7) and, more broadly, of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) is no longer undisputed. Most multi-lateral institutions were designed in the era when the West dominated the world. The US and Europe are over-represented in the IMF and the World Bank. Together with Japan, they control most regional development banks as well.

This imbalance has been especially clear during the recent global financial crisis when the need for participation by non-G7 countries became evident. This resulted in reviving the Group of 20 (G20) and proposals to redistribute voting rights in international financial institutions. But change has been slow and Western countries continue to control the international financial institutions.

This is why BRICS summits are so important. These meetings provide a unique forum where non-OECD leaders can discuss global challenges and co-ordinate their actions within and outside global institutions. The small size of the club and the absence of OECD partners helps in shaping the discussions at the summit.

What have the BRICS nations achieved?

Even though BRICS are now playing a far more important role in the global economy, they have not yet managed to get their act together. Even on key issues like selecting a successor to Dominique Strauss-Kahn at the IMF, BRICS countries were not able to put forward a credible alternative to the conventional approach that IMF should be run by a Western European. Nor have they been able to speak with one voice about the most important global economic and financial challenges – co-ordination of monetary and fiscal policies, macroprudential regulation, development aid etc.

Do they have enough in common to get things done?

BRICS countries are very different — both in terms of their resources and in terms of their values and goals. The only thing they all have in common is, well, membership of BRICS. Brazil and India are democratic, China and Russia are not. Brazil and Russia export hydrocarbons, China and India are net importers. China and Russia are permanent members of the UN Security Council – the others are not. Structure of financial systems, levels of income, education, inequality, health challenges also differ substantially within BRICS. This is why it is very hard to speak with a unified voice and to co-ordinate action. The fact that BRICS have not really established anything tangible yet should not be a disappointment.

What could they do?

This problem of inaction will soon be overcome. BRICS now have a clear leader than can address the issue of internal differences in goals and resources. BRICS is quickly becoming a China-led club. Unlike 15 years ago, China’s nominal GDP is now larger than that of the other club members combined. The same its true with net international financial position, outward Foreign Direct Investment and development aid.

China’s leadership has finally turned the long-debated plan for a  “BRICS Bank” into a reality. The BRICS have founded the New Development Bank (NDB), which will become a major regional development bank – the first one without OECD-countries’ membership (unless of course Greece joins.)

The establishment of NDB (head-quartered in Shanghai) suggests international financial institutions should have been more flexible in adjusting their governance to accommodate the increased role of BRICS in the world. NDB is not likely – at least initially – to outperform existing development banks in terms of skills and project quality. However, it will be the first tangible multi-lateral project fully owned by the non-OECD countries – in a sense confirming that Jim O’Neill’s vision was correct.

However, the very fact that the only tangible BRICS project is NDB is also telling. NDB is taking off exactly because it fits into China’s grander New Silk Road or “One Belt, One Road” vision. NDB is in this sense proof that the BRICS club – like Shanghai Cooperation Organization – is now led by China. In summits, BRICS’ leaders will talk as equals but whenever BRICS is up to something real, it will be following China’s strategy.

XXX

The New Development Bank (NDB), formerly referred to as the BRICS Development Bank, is a multilateral development bank operated by the BRICS states. The bank's primary focus of lending will be infrastructure projects.

The BRICS Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CRA) is a framework for providing protection against global liquidity pressures. This includes currency issues where members' national currencies are being adversely affected by global financial pressures.

At the 2015 BRICS summit in Russia, ministers from BRICS nations, initiated consultations for a payment system that would be an alternative to the SWIFT system.

XXX

With an eye on a divided leadership in the West — as was evident in the recent G-7 summit — the BRICS leaders have committed with unprecedented emphasis to the principles of “democracy” and “multilateralism” in the Johannesburg declaration. Democracy is mentioned half-a-dozen times in the declaration, which, Indian government interlocutors feel, is noteworthy, since at least two member-countries in the grouping are socialist and non-democratic countries. In the Xiamen declaration, democracy was mentioned thrice, mostly in the context of a democratic global order.

Multilateralism was mentioned 23 times in the Johannesburg declaration, as against seven times in the Xiamen declaration last year. This assumes significance in the wake of the US, under President Donald Trump, acting unilaterally on several occasions — from the Israel-Palestine issue to Iran, and withdrawing from multilateral pacts like JCPOA and TPP. It has also withdrawn from UNESCO and 

UN Human Rights Council.

Indian interlocutors said that the seeping of democratic order, and the consequent democratisation of the BRICS order, has been an Indian imprint on the Johannesburg declaration, which is different from previous BRICS declarations. The emphasis on inclusivity has also increased in the Johannesburg declaration, as “inclusive” was mentioned 19 times, as compared to 9 times in the Xiamen declaration.

“These are the most important takeaways from the Indian point of view, that we have been able to put democracy and inclusiveness in the lexicon in a more pronounced manner,” one of the Indian interlocutors told The Indian Express. Sources said that the Chinese lexicon of a prosperous, shared future and win-win cooperation from previous SCO summits has now given way to a more Indian and South African lingo — of a representative world order approach.

The BRICS leadership has also given a message of solidarity and geopolitical maturity, officials privy to the negotiations told The Indian Express, as against the rancour and divisive tone in the G-7 summit.

Sources said that Prime Minister Narendra Modi discussed the above issues with Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin. Xi said that as major emerging market economies, as well as vindicators and contributors of the current international order, China and India should strengthen bilateral cooperation while exploring a new model for regional cooperation, upholding multilateralism, championing economic globalisation and striving for a more just and rational international order, Xinhua reported.

31 SIMULTANEOUS ELECTIONS IN INDIA - PROS & CONS

31 SIMULTANEOUS ELECTIONS

A.) Introduction: Meaning of Simultaneous Election

Simultaneous elections should imply that elections to all the three tiers of constitutional institutions (Lok Sabha, State Legislative Assembly and Local Bodies) take place in a synchronized and co-ordinated fashion. What this effectively means is that a voter casts his vote for electing members for all tiers of the Government on a single day.

B.) Reason for Supporting Simultaneous Election

The key adverse impacts that the existing electoral cycle leads to could be broadly categorized into the following:

1.       Impact on development programs and governance due to imposition of Model Code of Conduct by the Election Commission

2.       Frequent elections lead to massive expenditures by Government and other stakeholders

3.       Engagement of security forces for significantly prolonged periods

4.       Other Issues

a.       Frequent elections disrupt normal public life: Holding of political rallies disrupts road traffic and also leads to noise pollution.

b.      Frequent elections perpetuate caste, religion and communal issues across the country.

c.       Frequent elections adversely impact the focus of governance and policy making: Need to win the next impending election makes short-term political imperatives an immediate priority. As a result, sound long-term economic planning often takes a back seat.

C.) How it will violate basic principles of Constitution

Principle of Accountability:

1.       The legislature shall be accountable to elected representatives. Supporters of the measure often point to simultaneous elections until 1967. But it is often forgotten that those simultaneous elections were not constitutionally mandated; they occurred simultaneously only because historically, electoral competition with adult suffrage formally took off at the same time at the national and state level and for the first two decades, electoral mandates for national and state legislatures ordinarily remained stable (barring in Kerala). In other words, simultaneous elections were not a principle but a function of historical coincidence and initial political stability.

2.       The implication of simultaneous election would be that a government cannot be removed, however anti-people or under-performing it may be, or in spite of being hopelessly in a minority, if the Opposition is not united enough on an alternative to replace the existing ministry.

Role of President:

NITI Aayog mentions, if the mechanism of confidence vote fails and the Lok Sabha is to be prematurely dissolved, then, instead of fresh elections, if the period is short, the president can carry on the administration with advice from a council of ministers (which obviously does not have the support of the legislature). This would be the most blatant violation of the principle of responsible government and such a proposal is nothing short of rewriting the Constitution via a back door and bringing in of the provision of “president’s rule” at the national level. It would also accord to the president an unreasonably wide discretion of appointing such an interim, non-responsible government.

Constitutional Protection of 5 Year Tenure of an elected Legislature:

Three, if the legislature is to be inevitably dissolved with a larger portion of the five-year term still remaining, then it is suggested that fresh elections are held but the legislature shall not have the full five-year term; instead, it would have a truncated term that remained from the previous legislature’s term. This would jeopardise the constitutional protection that a legislature, once elected, gets a five-year term.

D.) Way Forward

Are there no other solutions avoid the key adverse impacts that the existing electoral cycle?

1.       If expenditure is an issue, that logic would finally take us to the argument that elections are expensive and hence problematic.

2.       If the interference of the model code of conduct is an issue, political parties need to impose self-regulation when in power and ensure that the boundaries between rightful and legitimate decision-making and wrongful advantage of positions of power to win votes are strictly and legally defined.

3.       If black (illegal) money is the problem, then it can hardly be addressed by this measure; changing both laws and practices involving electoral finance will be the best route to adopt. (660 Words)

XXX

Idea of One Nation, One Election has been repeated from various public platforms on a number of occasions. Four reasons are usually cited: massive expenditure; diversion of security and civil staff from primary duties; impact on governance due to the model code of conduct, and disruption to normal public life.

B.) Argument against it

Cost Factor: Elections cost 0.05% of India’s total expenditure: The Election Commission incurs a total cost of roughly Rs. 8,000 crore to conduct all State and federal elections in a span of five years, or roughly Rs. 1,500 crore every year. Nearly 600 million Indians vote in India’s elections, which means, it costs Rs. 27 per voter per year to keep India an electoral democracy. Is this a “massive” expense? To put this in context, all the States and the Centre combined incurred an expenditure of nearly Rs. 30 lakh crore in FY2014. Surely, 0.05% of India’s total annual expenditure is not a large price to pay for the pride of being the world’s largest and most vibrant electoral democracy. The notion that elections are prohibitively expensive is false and misleading.

Code of Conduct: The model code of conduct for elections was agreed to by political parties in 1979, and prohibits the ruling party from incurring capital expenditure for certain projects after elections are announced. If India is indeed embarking on a path of “cooperative federalism” as the Prime Minister also claims, then more such projects will be undertaken by each State and not by the Centre. So, why should elections in one State hinder governance in the rest of the States? And if all political parties still feel the need to reform the code, they are free to do so. The solution is to reform the code and not the electoral cycle.

Diversion of civil staff and disruption of public life were the two other reasons cited, but these sound more like reasons against holding elections in general. Surely, a disruption to public life twice in five years is not a binding constraint in the larger interests of interim accountability.

Voter Behaviour: There is clear empirical evidence that most Indian voters tend to choose the same party when elections are held simultaneously to both Centre and State, with the relationship diminishing as elections are held farther away.

Federal Political Autonomy: Further, simultaneous elections impinge on the political autonomy of States. Today, any elected State government can choose to dissolve its Assembly and call for fresh elections. If elections are to be held simultaneously, States will have to give up this power and wait for a national election schedule. There can be legitimate reasons for State governments to dissolve their Assemblies and call for fresh elections, as should be the case in Tamil Nadu. Under a simultaneous elections regime, the State will be beholden to the Union government for elections to its State, which goes against the very grain of political autonomy under our federal structure.